A. Interpretation – Democracy assistance should be focused on aid that directly supports democracy – anything else makes the topic unmanageable
Burnell, Professor of Politics at the University of Warwick, 2K
(Peter, Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democratization, page 11-13, accessed 3-19-12 at Google Books) PM
Democracy Assistance and …* commissions, might qualify as well.
B. Violation – Governance aid isn’t democracy assistance---adding it explodes the topic
Burnell, Professor of Politics at the University of Warwick, 2K
(Peter, Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democratization, page 18-19, accessed 3-19-12 at Google Books) PM
In principle democracy assistance … Assistance Committee's terms.
C. Vote negative
1. Predictable limits – they allow for anything that affects democracy to be topical. Containing the topic to things that directly influence democracy is key to any predictability
Burnell, Professor of Politics at the University of Warwick, 2K
(Peter, Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democratization, page 18-19, accessed 3-19-12 at Google Books) PM
All things considered, it … such as these.
2. Ground – governance avoids links based off the plan’s support for democracy, and we lose solvency arguments – governance is so broad they can claim to solve any alt causes
3. Extra T – even if some parts of governance are topical, they can claim advantages based off untopical parts – gives them unique advantages and explodes the research burden – independent voting issue
D. Voter for fairness and education. Use competing interpretations – reasonability is arbitrary and causes judge intervention
1. Bureaucracy kills solvency
Carothers, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 9
(Thomas, “Revitalizing U.S. Democracy Assistance,”
carnegieendowment.org/files/revitalizing_democracy_assistance.pdf, accessed 3-15-12, CMM)
USAID’s basic operating procedures—a term used here as shorthand for the rules, regulations, and procedures that underpin the agency’s programming—are a major cause of the lamentable patterns of inflexibility, cumbersomeness, lack of innovation, and mechanical application that hobble much of its democracy and governance work. These basic operating procedures are a study in dysfunctional bureaucratization. Some career professionals at the agency liken them to an enormous accumulation of barnacles on the hull of a ship. They are attached one by one over the years by Congress or the agency itself in response to some particular incident or concern, but then they are never removed or rationalized over time, and the accumulated mass threatens to eventually sink the ship.
These basic operating procedures are much more intrusive and constraining than just “normal” government bureaucracy. They reflect years of trying to spend billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars on assistance programs carried out in difficult foreign contexts under the constant fear that even a scrap of evidence that any money has been misspent will trigger howls of righteous protest in Congress. Over time this pressure produces an institutional culture of paralyzing risk avoidance, leading to ponderous controls and deadening requirements, as well as the pervasive mistrust noted above between the agency and the recipients of its funding.
The highly problematic nature of USAID’s basic operating procedures manifests itself at every stage of programming. The work involved in preparing requests for proposals or requests for assistance and then negotiating and finalizing contracts or grants is extremely burdensome.
It greatly slows the development of new programs, encourages the use of cookie-cutter approaches that have already paved a path through the procurement jungle, and limits the number and range of organizations that compete for and take part in the assistance programs.
The procedures relating to the implementation of programs are similarly troublesome. USAID’s implementing partners reserve some of their harshest criticism for this part of the assistance process. They describe the role of USAID officers overseeing their programs as often being petty, unhelpful micromanagement in service of a thicket of regulatory and procedural complexities that make even simple actions, like hiring a short-term consultant or arranging a training seminar, slow and difficult. They lament that basic elements of the implementation process make it a struggle to be nimble, to innovate as learning occurs, or to adapt easily when basic circumstances change.
2. USAID encourages quantifiable results over qualitative ones
Carothers, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 9
(Thomas, "Revitalizing U.S. Democracy Assistance,” http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/revitalizing_democracy_assistance.pdf, pg23-4, accessed 9-3-11, CMM)
The “performance management plans” that USAID requires for its programs compound the headaches of implementation. These systems set up performance indicators that implementing organizations are supposed to meet across the life of a project. Spurred by the passage of the Government Performance and Results Act of 1993, which required federal agencies to develop and report on quantifiable performance indicators, USAID began in the mid-1990s saddling its programs with quantifiable and often mechanistic and reductionistic indicators. These indicators primarily count outputs (such as the number of people trained) rather than assessing outcomes (like how much knowledge a training program transmits and how recipients put that knowledge to use). Such indicators create special problems for democracy and governance programs. Counting outputs in a vaccination or a schoolbook project may be somewhat meaningful; doing so in political programs is usually much less so. Defining the goals of a political party assistance program, for example, or a legislative strengthening program, or other similar political programs in simple quantifiable terms usually does considerable damage to the actual nature of the challenges and objectives involved.
Faced with strenuous pushback from partner organizations unhappy about the application of such indicators to democracy and governance programs, USAID pulled back at least partially in the late 1990s and early years of this decade, permitting the use of more nuanced, qualitative performance monitoring indicators. Unfortunately, however, the establishment in 2006 of the “F Process” (the setting up of a centralized budget tracking system for all U.S. foreign assistance, overseen by a director of foreign assistance at the State Department), set the situation back considerably. The F Process imposes a strictly defined set of quantifiable standardized indicators on all assistance programs, embodying the most simplistic forms of output counting. Although USAID is allowed to use its own customized indicators for its democracy and governance programs, it can do so only as a supplement to the standardized F process indicators. The problem thus remains of simplistic, mechanistic indicators encouraging program implementation that is driven by the imperative of “meeting the numbers” rather than doing what is necessary to produce meaningful results.3
3. Leakage of funds from government aid kills effectiveness
Desai, Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Center for Development at the Brookings Institution, and Kharas, Senior Fellow and Deputy Director, Global Economy and Development, Development Assistance and Governance Initiative at the Brookings Institution, 10
(Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Center for Development at the Brookings Institution, and Homi, “DEMOCRATIZING FOREIGN AID: ONLINE PHILANTHROPY AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE,” 42 N.Y.U. J. Int'l L. & Pol. 1111, Summer, www.iilj.org/research/documents/FDC.Desai-Kharas.pdf, accessed 3-16-12, CMM)
Official aid is perceived to have low transaction costs because it operates at large scale. But official aid travels a long route, with costs at each stage. The first stage is the cost of tax collection when money is transferred from individuals to the treasury. In this stage, costs consist of the direct administrative costs of tax collection as well as deadweight losses from taxation. These costs can be substantial. n24
In the second stage, official donor agencies transfer funds to recipient country governments to support specific development projects and programs. The administrative costs of these agencies have averaged between 4 to 5 percent, according to statistics reported by the OECD Development Assistance Committee. n25
The third stage involves costs associated with transferring the money from the recipient government to final beneficiaries through project implementation. Administrative costs of the project, corruption, and other leakages mean that only about half the funds actually reach their stated end purpose. n26 [*1127] In all, transaction costs on official aid could amount to 60 percent or more.
Private aid, particularly internet-based, offers a more direct connection between donors and recipients and potentially reduces transaction costs. At both GlobalGiving or Kiva, the flow of funds route is short: money goes from an individual to the online platform, where it is pooled and transferred to a financial or project intermediary in a recipient country, which then disburses to the final beneficiaries. The long route of passing through government bureaucracies is avoided.
Solvency
. The NTC fails and the plan causes backlash
Friedman, Stratfor, 10-25-11
(George, “Libya and Iraq: The Price of Success,” http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20111024-libya-and-iraq-price-success?utm_source=freelist-f&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20111025&utm_term=gweekly&utm_content=readmore&elq=9c0eae906a284cd1b3f49f8f6f845909, accessed 10-26-11, CMM)
The National Transitional … but insufficient to intimidate them.
4. It’s too early to give aid – the government must consolidate support first
Garrigues, Research Fellow at the Barcelona Center for International Affairs, 11
(Juan, December 2011, “Libya 2012, an inclusive affair,” online: www.cidob.org/en/content/download/30181/360036/file/NOTES+43_GARRIGUES_ANG.pdf, accessed 2-22-12, CMM)
Libya has always … under civilian control.
Oil
No impact to oil shocks – they have minimal effects, the economy is resilient
Auerswald, assistant professor and director of the Center for Science and Technology Policy at the School of Public Policy, George Mason University, 7
(Philip, June 2007, “The Irrelevance of the Middle East,” The American Interest, http://www.the-american-interest.com/article.cfm?piece=269, accessed 1-12-12, CMM)
Finally, what of the oft-mentioned … macroeconomic impact has been negligible.
No impact – oil is only a small part of economies and expanded demand offsets negative effects
Rasmussen, Senior Economist, Middle East and Central Asia Department, IMF, and Roitman, Economist IMF, 11
(Tobias, and Agustin, 8-25-2011, “Oil shocks around the world: are they really that bad?” http://voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/6905, accessed 1-21-12, CMM)
To put these numbers in perspective, …relatively mild and occur with a lag.
Econ decline doesn’t cause war – the recent recession proves.
Barnett, senior managing director of Enterra Solutions LLC, 9
(Thomas P.M., contributing editor/online columnist for Esquire magazine, 8-24-09, “The New Rules: Security Remains Stable Amid Financial Crisis,” http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/4213/the-new-rules-security-remains-stable-amid-financial-crisis, accessed 12-20-11, CMM)
When the global financial crisis … international liberal trade order.
US control of Libyan oil risks confrontation with China
Roberts, former assistant secretary to US Treasury, Panama City, 11
(Paul Craig, 4-26-11, interview, “'United States Risks War With China and Russia,' Says Former Asst. Secretrary of Treasury,” http://panafricannews.blogspot.com/2011/04/states-risks-war-with-china-and-russia.html, accessed 2-20-12, CMM)
While revolts in Tunisia and Egypt … and we're risking a major war.
That goes nuclear
Glaser, GW University Political Science Professor, 11
(Charles, HARLES GLASER is Professor of Political Science and International Affairs and Director of the Institute for Security and Conflict Studies at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University., "Will China's Rise Lead to War? ", Foreign Affairs, Mar/April 2011, Vol. 90, Issue 2, factiva, accessed 11-9-11, CMM)
The prospects for avoiding intense … U.S.-Chinese relations.
Terrorism
No risk of nuclear terrorism
A. No organizational capacity
van den Bergh, Eramus University IR Professor, Hague Social Studies Institute, Harvard Harkness Fellow, Neterlands Association for International Affairs Chairman, Dutch Ministries Foreign Affairs and Defense IR Advisory Council Member, May 2009
[Godfried van Benthem, "The Taming of the Great Nuclear Powers," http://www.carnegieendowment.org/npp/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=23152]
Recently, a new fear has …, relatively autonomous “cells.”
B. Probability of success is so low that there is also no motive
DeGroot, St. Andrews University History Professor, November 2009
[Gerard, "Dismissing Doomsday," http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2009_11/BookReview, 11/9]
Mueller sees nuclear weapons as a …information for bomb-making.
No loose nukes
Zenko, Fellow in the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations, and Cohen, Fellow at the Century Foundation, 12
(Micah, and Michael, “Clear and Present Safety: The United States Is More Secure Than Washington Thinks,”
Foreign Affairs. New York: Mar/Apr 2012. Vol. 91, Iss. 2; pg. 79, 15 pgs, accessed 3-2-12, CMM)
Overblown fears of a nuclear Iran … the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons."
Terrorism risk is low – Al Qaeda’s on the ropes
Fishman, counterterrorism research fellow at the New America Foundation, and Mudd, senior global advisor at Oxford Analytica, 2-24-12
(Brian, fellow with the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, where he previously served as director of research and Phil, previously served as deputy director of the CIA's Counterterrorist Center and deputy director of the FBI's National Security Branch, “Al Qaeda on the Ropes,” http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/02/23/al_qaeda_on_the_ropes?page=full, accessed 2-24-12, CMM)
On Feb. 10, 2012, the emir of al … as the Philippines' archipelago.
Libyan instability is key to high oil prices – that prevents Russian economic decline.
Doff, Moscow News Staff Writer, 11
(Natasha, 12-19-11, “What price stability?,” http://themoscownews.com/business/20111219/189302724.html, accessed 2-17-12, CMM)
Still hooked
Despite efforts to diversify, Russia’s … Colin Smith, of VTB Capital.
Economic decline causes instability in Russia – that causes extinction
Filger, founder of GlobalEconomicCrisis.com, 9
(Sheldon, 5-10-09, “Russian Economy Faces Disastrous Free Fall Contraction,” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/sheldon-filger/russian-economy-faces-dis_b_201147.html, accessed 5-9-11, CMM)
In Russia, historically, economic … is its least dangerous consequence.