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NDT Neg - Cal Gannon & Weiner

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  • 1NC Framework

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    • 1NC Framework

      Should denotes an expectation of enacting a plan

      American Heritage Dictionary 2000 (Dictionary.com)

      should. The will to do something or

      AND

      shall go out if I feel like it. 

      Federal government is the central government in Washington DC

      Encarta Online 2005,

      http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_1741500781_6/United_States_(Government).html#howtocite

      United States (Government), the combination of

      AND

      is centered in Washington, D.C.

      Resolved implies a policy

      Louisiana House 3-8-2005, http://house.louisiana.gov/house-glossary.htm

      Resolution  A legislative instrument that generally is used

      AND

      6.8 , and 7.4)

      Democracy assistance is  the transfer funds, expertise, or material to foster democracy

      Richard Lappin- Ph.D. candidate at the Centre for Peace Research and Strategic Studies @ U of Leuven- 2009 (last cite), What We Talk About When We Talk About Democracy Assistance: The Problem of Definition in Post-Conflict Approaches to Democratisation, http://www.cejiss.org/sites/default/files/8.pdf

      Democracy assistance can be most accurately defined as

      AND

      society groups, media groups and political parties.

      And, predictability is the internal link to solving the aff – Debate has unique potential to change attitudes and grow critical thinking skills because it forces pre-round internal deliberation on a of a focused, common ground of debate

      Robert E. Goodin and Simon J. Niemeyer- Australian National University- 2003, When Does Deliberation Begin? Internal Reflection versus Public Discussion in Deliberative Democracy, POLITICAL STUDIES: 2003 VOL 51, 627–649, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.0032-3217.2003.00450.x/pdf

      What happened in this particular case, as

      AND

      doing that for each of those key features.

      A focus on policy is necessary to learn the pragmatic details of powerful institutions – acting without this knowledge is doomed to fail in the face of policy professionalis who make the decisions that actually affect outcomes

      McClean, Adjunct Professor of Philosophy at Molloy College in New York, ‘1 (David E., “The Cultural Left and the Limits of Social Hope”, Conference of the Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy, http://www.americanphilosophy.org/archives/past_conference_programs/pc2001/)

      Or we might take Foucault who, at

      AND

      for the so-called "managerial class." 

      They have functionally decided to write their own resolution instead of affirming the one we already have- even if the resolution is wrong, having a devil’s advocate in deliberation is vitally important to critical thinking skills and avoiding groupthink

      Hugo Mercier and Hélène Landemore- 2011 (in press)

      (Philosophy, Politics and Economics prof @ U of Penn, Poli Sci prof @  Yale), Reasoning is for arguing: Understanding the successes and failures of deliberation, Political Psychology, http://sites.google.com/site/hugomercier/publications

      Reasoning can function outside of its normal conditions

      AND

      Schweiger, Sandberg, & Ragan, 1986).




03/30/12
  • 1NC Wendy Brown K

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    • NC Q2NC The affirmative’s belief in exposure of the tales of private violence to the public sphere in order to politicize and negate the injury rest on the belief that truth will set us free, but this is part of a fetishistic construction where the breaking of silence is a political act. The process of exposure makes this previously private action an act of a regulatory discipline with the state normalizing its intervention into our lives depoliticizing the structural, economic, social, and political conditions that allow violence to exist. 

      Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, 1996 (“Constitutions and 'Survivor Stories': In the 'folds of our own discourse' The Pleasures and Freedoms of Silence.” 3 U Chi L Sch Roundtable 185; swp)

      But if the silences in discourses of domination

      AND

      lives, all the while depoliticizing their conditions.

      This is particularly true in the context of debate – when our community’s failure to remedy women’s subordination is remedied with discourses that specify women’s experiences through debate, discourses about rights converges with discourse of the disciplinary to produce potent modes of juridical-regulatory domination

      Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, 1996 (“Constitutions and 'Survivor Stories': In the 'folds of our own discourse' The Pleasures and Freedoms of Silence.” 3 U Chi L Sch Roundtable 185; swp)

      Consider, more generally, attempts at codifying

      AND

      spectacularly potent mode of juridical-regulatory domination.

      The aff will say these are the risks we have to bear to provide exposure to sexual violence through debate. After all, they are the ones that were abused and they choose to share their story. However, this logic is flawed in its assumption that the confessional discourse can be controlled by and is limited by its effects on the individual confessing. Each time a woman takes her story, her voice is recorded not as that of a ‘Jane Smith’ but as that of all women. Individual testimony invariably comes to monopolize the meaning of womanhood in a way that establishes the story of greatest suffering as the highest truth of female identity

      Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, 1996 (“Constitutions and 'Survivor Stories': In the 'folds of our own discourse' The Pleasures and Freedoms of Silence.” 3 U Chi L Sch Roundtable 185; swp)

      If, taken together, the two passages

      AND

      is so little feminist writing on heterosexual pleasure?)

      Our alternative is silence. Instead of assuming the revelation of the truth is the only way to emancipate women, we should explore the potential of silence as a route to liberation. 

      Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, 1996 (“Constitutions and 'Survivor Stories': In the 'folds of our own discourse' The Pleasures and Freedoms of Silence.” 3 U Chi L Sch Roundtable 185; swp)

      But if these practices tacitly silence those whose

      AND

      one who has fully introjected the surveillant gaze.




03/30/12
  • Sexual Violence Case Neg

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    • meowrkPolitical calculations that prioritize combatting one form of oppression over another make BOTH inevitable – ignores the interrelation of power

      Mikdashi, 2011 (Jun 29, Maya, Co-Founder of Jadaliyya, PhD candidate at Columbia University's Department of Anthropology, “What is [the] left?,” http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/2012/what-is_the_left)

      I have been reading accounts of the demise

      AND       

      us from acting with our principles, now.

      Framing feminism in terms of “women’s” voice has crippled opposition to patriarchy – it reifies a rich white privilege to theorize and actively excludes minorities by treating other identity considerations as secondary

      Lugone and Spelman, 83 (Maria, Department of Philosophy, Carleton, Elizabeth, Department of Philosophy, Smith College, “HAVE WE GOT A THEORY FOR YOU!: FEMINIST THEORY, CULTURAL IMPERIALISM AND THE DEMAND FOR ‘THE WOMAN’S VOICE,’ Women’s Studies’ international forum, Vol. 6, No. 6., p. 574-575)

      But what more exactly is the feminist demand

      AND

      but through the sharp observation stark exigency demands.

       

      Their methodological dogmatism causes a prioritization of knower over knowledge, causing politics to degenerate into us versus them squabbles which are totally absent of the type of critical deliberation they claim to bring to the forefront—the presentation of their affirmative is a double turn with its content.

      Moore & Muller 99 (Rob Moore, Cambridge, and Johan Muller, University of Cape Town, 1999

      “The Discourse of Voice and the Problem of Knowledge and Identity in the Sociology of Education,” British Journal of Sociology of Education 20 (2) p. 199-200)

      The pedagogic device (Bernstein, 1990)

      AND

      the 'shrinking of the moral imagination [10]. 




03/30/12
  • 2NC Framework

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    • Role-playing is a form of defiant deliberative politics that reclaims agency

      Jessica Kulynych, Asst Professor of Political Science at Winthrop University, Polity, Winter, 1997, n2 p315(32)

      When we look at the success of citizen                          

      AND

      possibilities for an actually diverse and participatory democracy.




03/30/12
  • 2NC Wendy Brown K

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    • Perm doesn’t solve---its stark reference to the immediate “case harms” is precisely the suffering-mongering critique aims to displace as the motivation for political work

      Wendy Brown, Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, and Janet Halley, Law @ Harvard, 2k2

      (Introduction. Left Legalism/Left Critique p 33; swp)

      We wish to challenge yet another constraint on

      AND

      and political fixidity and stability of suffering itself.

       

      Whether identity in the abstract is good or bad is not relevant---it’s about understanding the ways in which the specific identities of the affirmative are deployed politically

      Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, 1993

      (“Wounded Attachments.” Political Theory Vol. 21 No. 3. August. P.391; swp)

      I approach these questions by sketching, first

      AND

      operations transpire but by its own wounded attachments.




03/30/12
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