Democracy Assistance is inevitable under the status quo, political groups desire the transition to more democratic systems of governance the question becomes how in which direction will that state go and how US involvement is perceived.
Democracy Digest 11, 8-10-1 “Egypt’s Democracy Aid Backlash: A Strategy to Control Civi1 Society http://www.demdigest.net/blog/2011/08/egypts-democracy-aid-backlash-a-strategy-to-control-civil-society/
As Egypt and Tunisia enter a dangerous phase of their transitions . . . groups in Egypt are experiencing a continued interest in their consultations and training sessions with political parties and civic organizations.
The most effective way to make decisions is at the level of desire. In order to understand what happened in Egypt one must look to the way that desiring machines structure resistance as well as its outcomes.
Gilbert et al 8(February 2008, Jeremy Gilbert, organizer and chair of the roundtable, “Deleuzian politics? A roundtable discussion.” Participants include Claire Colebrook, Eric Alliez, Peter Hallward, and Nicholas Thoburn, pgs. 165-175, )
Claire: But the process of composition and recomposition . . . You can’t just refer to ‘will’: you have to have some condition for analysing it. And isn’t that what micropolitics is about?
And, it was these process of desire that formed the rhizomatic networks that initially connected Egyptians across their ideological lines to resist state forms of alienation. Aff is key to sustaining the intial antagonism that toppled the Mubarak regime.
Al-Saffar 11, Mohammed, ,has a doctorate, and knows more about the Egyptian situation that your mother. “Revolutions, Reform, and Democratic Transition in the Arab Homeland: From the Perspective of the Tunisian Revolution”, from the Arab Center of Research and Policy Studies p.31[KC]
The concept of the “Rhizome,”. . . of power had been besieged and paralyzed by the protestors
The once Rhizomatic Nature of the early protests, consisting of decentralized nodes of resistance is becoming captured by the state, which seeks to redeploy desire under fundamentalism and economic forces–this ultimately kills agency, which is key to sustain the critical momentum of desire.
Deamer 11, David, Phd, Associate lecturer in film philosophy. “After the flood: Deleuze, rhizomatics/arborescence and the Arab Spring”, presented @4th Annual Deleuze Studies Conference in Cophenhagan[KC]
In short, Deleuze does not align the rhizomatic event with a political system at the level of the state… and neither, of course, is the radicle…
And while desire has creative and revolutionary potential as seen in the intial Egyptian movements, Molecular reactive networks like the fundamentalist islam form microfascist practices that seek to control the social, via paranoiac forms of the desire which violently organize masses and limit resistance towards alienation.
Robinson & Karatzogianni 10 (Andrew (Political theorist) and Athina (PhD clusterfuck in 5 different fields including Media, Security studies, Media and Politics, Culture/Political Sociology and Political Economy/Marketing, “Power, Conflict and Resistance in the Contemporary World: Social Movements, Networks and Hierarchies”, January 2010, [KC])
Reactive networks are what Deleuze and Guattari, and later Day, call ‘radicle’ networks, forming the root-network of a ‘trunk’ or hierarchy . . . Most of the armed opposition groups commonly labelled ‘terrorist’ are reactive networks.
It is those reactive networks that transform the State into a war machine— a war waged on culture, politics and the individual—war becomes, dispersed everywhere and nowhere at the same time, creating a culture of fear the turns collective groups into political caniballs. Rather than live of the violence of a fascist war machine we should create our own alternatives
Bell ‘7 (Daniel M., Associate Professor of Theological Ethics, Lutheran Theological Southern Seminary, Journal for Cultural and Religious Theory, JCRT 8.2 SPRING 2007 55,d http://www.jcrt.org/archives/08.2/)
We have entered a new era . . . To this alternative we now turn.
Resolved: the United States federal government should substantially increase democracy assistance for becoming-democratic in Egypt.
This affirmation serves to create a politics of flux, that seeks to sustain the momentum of the rhizomatic utterance expressed in Tahrir Square, We will never say the plan won't happen, but that it is important to recognize the individual networks and perceptions that determine how we perceive and engage in the direction of democracy.
The 1AC acts as a conceptual blueprint in a constantly changing political process, rather than ceding the political to figureheads and leaders we should return to a radical politics of desire, at the level of difference and singularity rather than the linear and molar level of traditional politics. Vote aff to reinvent how we participate in democratic situations.
Patton 7 (Paul, “Political Normativity and Post-structuralism: the case of Gilles Deleuze”, Vortrag ins Institutscolloquium des Philosophischen Instituts der Freien Universität, Berlin, am Donnerstag, den 15. November 2007, pgs. 5-12 [CL])
The normativity of Deleuze and Guattari’s concepts provides a framework within which to evaluate the character of particular events and processes. . . we mustn’t leave decisions on such matters to judges or experts.
The state does not exist – it is when the USFG becomes a molar image that microfascism emerges. Recognition that individual desires on the molecular level constitute molar state actions allows a conception of government at the level of individual difference.
Doty 5 (Roxanne L, Anti-Immigrantism in Western Democracies: Statecraft, desire, and the politics of exclusion 11-12)KMC
While born of deterritorializing practices, “the state” itself is highly territorial. . . that passes from the head of the despot to the hearts of his subjects.”
