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Contention 1 – An Incovenient Regime of Truth
U.S. policy towards democracy assistance is one of unbridled arrogance and hypocrisy – the status quo is preparing to deploy shadow internet technology to dissidents in Syria in Libya for the rigged support of freedom and speech and democracy. It is using the moniker of censorship relief to justify the aid of U.S. interests
Glanz and Markoff June 12, 2011 – James, … governments and to the world.”

Further, this rationale is nothing more than an excuse for U.S. dominance
China Daily 6-17-2011 “subversion in a suitcase” … maintain the US' global dominance. 

And, while touting the importance of internet freedom to countries that are oppositional to the U.S. it has gone unnoticed by U.S. policy that Bahrain is also facing severe internet crackdowns in order to control dissent
Lee 2011 [Dicey, Tuesday, April 26, 2011 The … orthodoxy in the social media. 

This decision is part of a grander hypocritical strategy designed to stifle Shiite Muslim opposition in favor of supporting Sunni government control. The threat of the Iranian menace has become a rhetorical ploy that enables the demonizing of Libya while ignoring direct violence in Bahrain
Hughes 3-20-2011 [Michael journalist and foreign … Egypt ranked 138, Tunisia 144, and Yemen 146.
The impact is the continuation of a mode of thinking that obliterates an affirmative relationship to life necessitating massive violence and permanent war
Evans and Hardt 2010 (Brad, lecturer … strategic calculus of necessary killing’5

Contention 2 – Radical Democracy Dude
We affirm a different conception of … health of contemporary territorial democracy.
Connolly 2002 [William, professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University, Identity/difference, p xi-xii

further, our method is … each faith wi!! resist this process.
Connolly 2005 [William pluralism p 62-64

and, the status quo is oversaturated with attempts by groups who fear a dangerous other and lash out to control them. Our methodology is more than a plan text, it is an attempt at displacing the drive for ultimate control that these ideologies consist of. To fail to embrace agonistic democracy is to invite a form of violence that will make the genocide and wars possible and inevitable
Connolly 2005 [William, pluralism p 28-30
in an … endless series of civil wars.

Plan: The United States federal government should fully provide uncensored mesh technology based shadow network internet for the people of Bahrain.

Make no mistake, we are not the federal government. We will however defend the plan. Specifically, we advocate the plan as part of a cross-state citizenry that pursues creative interventions to press for expanded freedom across the globe in spite of the hypocrisy of the American government. We refuse the pessimism of the status quo that sees failure everywhere, our transformation is constantly ongoing and ethical because of it.
Connolly 2005 [William, pluralism p 154-160
A positive rejoinder … presented to us as inaccessible.
And, the focus on Bahrain is a critical point for challenging U.S. policy’s selective favoritism toward the Saudi Arabian government and strategic interests
Chuckman 2011 [john, former chief economist … ? Why is only Libya a target? 

Contention 3 – Al Gore Made it for Everyone
Technology is inevitable – the question is how we use it – the plan utilizes internet technology for as a technopolitical response in favor of radical democracy and contestation. None of the criticisms of internet technology can eliminate the possibility that internet technologies can have radical interventions. The risk sides with the aff that marginalized groups can take advantage of the plan instead of being decimated by it, especially in the context of Bahrain.
Kahn and Kellner 2007 [richard is a … the world via computer networks.4
The logic we use to determine our political implementation is an important aspect of the plan. Openness of internet has the capability to undermine spatial regulation, surveillance, and control as well as providing cross border diffusion of protests. The risk of cooption is minimized by the affirmative methodology.
Karatzogianni and Robinson 10 (Dr Athina … strengthen those of social networks.  

And the plan’s technology solves authoritarian shut downs
Glanz and Markoff in 11 (James … " in the how-to manual.

Finally, there is no endpoint to our politics. These New networks are key to continue the subversion of hierarchal modes of power. The collapse of arbitrary power must be reinvented and subverted daily
Karatzogianni and Robinson 10 (Dr Athina … potentials of the present situation. 

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//The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa discloses the contradictions within US foreign policy in that it exposes the US’s prioritization of regional stability and geostrategic positioning than it does the millions of lives condemned to live in despotic totalitarianism. Specifically, democracy assistance efforts are not neutral but rhetorically posited as a means to maintain US interests in the region and merely reform the status quo that makes some lives incalculable. The fear that the uprisings strike is manufactured to maintain this safe play for totalitarianism even though the resonant masses are representative of the revolting ‘ghost’ that haunts the violence of US policymaking

Gordillo 2011 (Gaston, Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of British Columbia, 2/6, “Resonance and the Egyptian Revolution”)

This sort of analysis in application to revolutions is not new – US policymakers have historically engaged in debates about good governance and preferred stability to true democracy. To intervene on this narrative we invoke the story of Pierre and Isabel, from Herman Melville’s Pierre. This book is a commentary on revolutions and responses towards them in two ways – first, Pierre came from an affluent, nuclear family, a symbol of the American National Identity. The grandson of a famous war veteran, Pierre shook the foundations of his society by marrying his disavowed half-sister, Isabel, to help her avoid a life of obscurity. Second, this act radically de-centers Pierre from the imperial, even totalitarian, violence of his family’s social structure - this is a uniquely revolutionary and democratic action insofar as it is uncertain, free from calls of permanency and stability

Mastroianni 2011 (Dominic, Assistant Professor of English at Clemson University, Revolutionary Time and the Future of Democracy in Melville's Pierre, Muse)

These responses are rooted in the same ontological foundations that approach the anxiety created by the mysterious Other negatively, and thus violently. Our inability to comprehend the mystery of the Arab uprisings calls on the tradition of metaphysical reductionism that obscures the complexity of beings we engage in discussions about. Much like our responses in Vietnam, US foreign policy in the Middle East has preferred to apply a universal narrative that we know what is best for the direction of the revolutions. That which is outside the realm of what we can comprehend is irrational, unnamable, the Nothing, and thus we render them violent. This makes it possible to destroy non-beings in the name of the greater good, in the name of stability and civilization

Spanos 2003 (William V, Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Binghampton University, A Rumor of War: 9/11 and the Forgetting of the Vietnam War, pg. 40-45, Muse)

This is particularly true in the context of our responses to the recent uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa where we have not only determined that we must decide the direction of their ‘democratic transitions’ but have also taken it upon ourselves to engage militarily. Faced with the upheavals, the West finds it necessary to affirm the universal narratives of human rights insofar as they are consistent with the geostrategic interests of the US. These ‘counter-revolutionary’ measures are rooted in the anxiety that provokes imperial violence. When confronted with this anxiety, the Nothing as it were, we are asked the question of how we engage, positively or negatively

Gordillo 2011 (Gaston, Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of British Columbia, 4/4, “Imperial Velocities and Counter-Revolution”)

The ontology prescribed to the uprisings culminates in a continuous drive to lay claim to the Nothing that haunts us – in an attempt to turn a Nothing, the unknown opposition, into something known and controllable, we create threats to define ourselves against. This is the very nature of our negative, reactionary responses to the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa - this inevitably results in a backlash that will cause extinction

Spanos 2008 (William V, Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Binghampton University, American Exceptionalism in the Age of Globalization: The Specter of Vietnam, pg. 95-97)

Our affirmation is an attempt to respond differently to the revolutions. We are not the United States federal government and our advocacy isn’t an endorsement of a particular piece of legislation, we affirm the Nothing that haunts the topic. When confronted with the question of the resolution, the question of how we respond, we think that the United States federal government should substantially increase democracy assistance to Bahrain, Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Libya, and Syria. Democracy assistance in the context of our affirmative is altered by our criticism of democracy – our democracy assistance is not the strict literal interpretation, but an affirmation of democratic energies, an affirmation of revolutions as necessary to the democratic element. These energies and movements are the Nothing. Thus, we turn to Pierre to problematize our questions of revolutions. In affirming the Nothing of the resolution, the unknowable and uncertain, we are  the only topical affirmative – contrary to historic debates about world revolutions, democracy is a malleable entity, one that can’t be ‘stabilized’ – it is always at risk of succumbing to revolutions. Our affirmative seeks to undermine the attempt to stabilize or master the revolutions– the story of Pierre is an ontological intervention into foreign policy directed to the uprisings – just as Pierre affirmed a democratic relationship to Isabel, we affirm democracy assistance as a means of affirming the uncertain, the Nothing, and the specter positively

Mastroianni 2011 (Dominic, Assistant Professor of English at Clemson University, Revolutionary Time and the Future of Democracy in Melville's Pierre, Muse)

Our literary application of Pierre to the topic discloses the metaphysical concept of hegemony. Much like the Arab uprisings, Pierre, destabilizes the ‘Truth’ of American exceptionalism by disclosing its fault lines. Pierre, the protagonist, came from an affluent family who were expected to pay respect to their American national identity, defended by their veteran grandfather. When Pierre de-centers himself from that identity by marrying his sister, going against a deep ethical code of the West, he undermines a narrative of Truth that is prescribed to regulate life in order to make the democratic decision of interconnecting their struggles. We affirm those revolutions because doing so holds true to a concept of democracy that less self interested – we sacrifice our own interest in favor of democratic contestation and energies

Mastroianni 2011 (Dominic, Assistant Professor of English at Clemson University, Revolutionary Time and the Future of Democracy in Melville's Pierre, Muse)

Our affirmative is not an empty political stance, we begin from the process of questioning to bring about new alternatives than from what is rendered in the status quo –the starting point of ontology means that we can problematize the securitizing policies directed towards the Middle East and North Africa. Our tactic of ontological intervention is not so much about prioritization insofar as it undermines the forms of knowledge production that make wars possible and necessary. The ontology applied to the uprisings enframes international relations within a calculative rationale that is the largest proximate cause of all forms of domination. Make no mistake, our affirmative is not constant questioning, but an intellectual intervention in hegemonic narratives that seek to efface agency 

Burke 2007 (Anthony, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at UNSW, Sydney, “Ontologies of War: Violence, Existence and Reason”, Theory and Event, 10.2, Muse)

Our affirmation of Herman Melville’s Pierre is important for debate because it brings in to question how we respond to specters, but talks about how we should have inclusions and problematize traditional, and sometimes imperial, social structures. Just as Pierre chose to de-center himself from his American National Identity, his imperial societal structure, in favor of marrying the disenfranchised Isabel so that she could acquire some of their estate, we chose to give our political decisions in the context of the resolution free of the uncertainty that comes along with them. Refusing to adhere to the rules of the game set by the geostrategic calculus of American exceptionalism in favor of a positive affirmation of the Nothing is critical to challenge imperial violence and think of new political alternatives to the status quo

Spanos 2011 (William V, Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Binghampton University, “Herman Melville’s Pierre; or, The Ambiguities and Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park: The Imperial Violence of the Novel of Manners”, Muse)