1NC begins with music

Before we can discuss whether american democracy is good or bad in the abstract we must understand whether or not democracy should exist. The current narrative of democracy assistance is one that takes an ahistorical starting point that glosses over its past impurities – what is needed is a radical historicisation of democracy
Hobson ‘9
[Christopher Hobson, a Post-Doctoral Fellow in the Department of International Politics at Aberystwyth University, UK, “Beyond the End of History: The Need for a `Radical Historicisation' of Democracy in International Relations”, Millennium - Journal of International Studies 2009, http://mil.sagepub.com/] soap
It has been … rare form of rule.

Slavery created the very possibility for american democracy. The concept of the “white nation” bracketed off the black body from relevance giving a cause for white racialized interventionist messianism. White racialized identity hidden beneath white nationalism of representative democracy is the condition of possibility for US interventionism. The cultural paranoia and consensus building based off of this paranoia of whiteness is what fuels our messianism in other countries.
Martinot 2003 [Steve, lecturer at San Francisco State University in the Center for Interdisciplinary Programs, “The Cultural Roots of Interventionism in the US,” Social Justice Vol. 30, No. 1 (2003), pp. 19-20] soap
American nationalism … allegiance to it. 

Aaron gives personal narrative here

And not only is american democracy rooted in white privilege, but the game of debate is itself an instance of white privilege that underpins everything that is discussed in the debate community. The ability to look at life, death, war, peace, famine, and profiling as an intellectual exercise is inherently exclusionary of those who do not have that luxury, but face these issues every day. The question is what are we going to do in face of the larger problems arguing about these things from a distance as a game.
Wise, anti-racist activist and speaker, 2008. (Tim., B.A. from Tulane University in political science., White Like Me: Reflections on Race From a Privileged Son., pg 32-36). ef

Given my mediocre … that I was white.

Traditional knowledge production within the debate community privileges those with institutional power while excluding other forms of knowledge production. Our usage of personal experiences, academic intellectuals, and organic intellectuals within debate makes alternative forms of knowledge production legitimate and checks the homogenizing function of 'expert' discourse.
Reid Brinkley ‘8 [Dr. Shanara Reid-Brinkley, "THE HARSH REALITIES OF “ACTING BLACK”: HOW AFRICAN-AMERICAN POLICY DEBATERS NEGOTIATE REPRESENTATION THROUGH RACIAL PERFORMANCE AND STYLE" pages 81-83] 

The process of … the status of oppression.

Our ethics of refusal to blindly pledge allegiance to the flag and to the resolution is the first and most critical step towards liberation. We must create an alternate political structure that must refuse to grant credence to the current structure of governance and must be rooted in the ethics of refusal, both in the debate community and in america.
Martinot 2005 (Steve, adjunct professor at San Francisco State University, “Pro-Democracy and the Ethics of Refusal,” Socialism and Democracy, Vol. 19, No. 2)

In a system … is nowhere else to turn. 

Indictment:
The debate community and the affirmative are guilty of:

1. Silence on the issue of white supremacy and how it has been essential to shaping this debate activity through norms and procedures
   2. Objective disconnected narration in which no aff or neg has a burden to explain their personal agency in relation to their advocacy
   3. Having a managerial approach to dealing with racism instead of seeking to eradicate white supremacy
   4. A performance of a hegemonic aesthetic
   5. Choosing to actively promote a resolution that inherently requires white supremacy to be advocated in debate rounds

Ruling:
Therefore we present our methodology for the debate community:

1. The role of the judge is to endorse the best political strategy for subverting white supremacy.
   2. Deliberate challenge to white supremacy en-route to producing anti-white supremacist scholarship through the three tier process.
   3. An ethic of refusal towards both american democracy and white privilege within debate

Act 1- The Topic Area

The call to support democracy assistance ignores the driving force behind the revolution that is being supported. The driving force behind the Libyan revolution was xenophobia directed at black bodies in Libya. The resolution calls on the United States Federal Government to support “pro-democracy” movements in Libya, yet these movements show their racial roots.

Seymour 8/30/2011

[Richard, Reporter for the Guardian, Libya's spectacular revolution has been disgraced by racism, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/aug/30/libya-spectacular-revolution-disgraced-racism, AD 8/31/11]jap

"This is a bad time …corpses of "Africans" in Tripoli.

We call on the United States Federal Government to increase its democracy assistance for Libya by declaring the United States a sponsor of state terrorism and declaring war on the United States.

Act 2- Civil Society

The history of democracy is a preservation of gratuitous violence because American democracy is White democracy. It is not a coincidence that the Declaration of Independence was written on the back drop of one of the most brutal denials of human liberty and dignity this world has ever seen. For this reason, Will and I find it necessary to present the framework for this round as who best performs a methodology for deconstructing Civil Society. The slave and the savage should be the center of our discussion because it is the foundation of American democracy. Slavery created the very possibility for American democracy. The concept of the “white nation” bracketed off the Black Body from relevance giving a cause for white racialized interventionist messianism. White racialized identity hidden beneath white nationalism of representative democracy is the condition of possibility for US interventionism. The cultural paranoia and consensus building based off of this paranoia of whiteness is what fuels our messianism in other countries.

Martinot 2003 [Steve, lecturer at San Francisco State University in the Center for Interdisciplinary Programs, “The Cultural Roots of Interventionism in the US,” Social Justice Vol. 30, No. 1 (2003), pp. 19-20] soap

American nationalism took …a violently enforced allegiance to it.

The negative is not an attempt to bring the black body to the top of the totem pole but a proposal of complete destruction of the pole from the bottom up. Their attempt to bring more “human” rights to the animal locks them into civil society. They do not pose a methodology to deconstruct the structure that created the very factory that oppresses animals, all they do is take the animal out of the factory but there will always be something to feed into the machine to keep the factory working. Recognizing and Embracing the Culture of the oppressed is the best starting point for liberatory moments addressing both racism and anthropocentrism. Eurocentric thought excludes the black body from humanism

Mills ’97 [Charles Mills, Associate Professor of philosophy at the University of Illinois, Chicago. He is author of blackness visible: Essays on philosophy and race, also from Cornell. Cornell University Press, “The Racial Contract”, 1997, Page(s) 26-27] soap

It would be a fundamental …, globally dominated by Europeans.

It’s a question of starting points- Humanist discourse excludes any possibility of the slave being humans and civil society is the foundation of humanist oppression – means we are a better starting point to solve

Wilderson ’10 [Frank B. Wilderson, Wilderson is an associate professor of African American studies and drama at the University of California, Irvine, “Red, White, and Black: Cinema and Structure of US Antagonisms”, 2010, Pg. 54-55] soap

In the introduction and chapter 1, … of exploited and alienated subjects.

Civil society maps itself by the reconfiguration of rights through freedom – maintaining its position of anti-blackness. This constructs America’s benevolent hegemony of coherence. What is needed is the radical injection of society’s incoherence, the ‘wretched of the earth;’ the politics of the Black Body with a gesture towards the disconfiguration of Civil Society.

Wilderson, 03 professor of African American Studies at University of California, Irvine, 2003 (Frank, A. B. Dartmouth College (Government/Philosophy); MFA Columbia University (Fiction Writing); Ph.D. University of California, Berkeley (Rhetoric/Film Studies), “The Prison Slave as Hegemony's (Silent) Scandal”, Social Justice, Vol. 30 Issue 2, p18-27) blh

Without the textual categories … nonetheless, be pursued to the death.

It is not possible to integrate the black body into civil society

Wilderson, professor of African American Studies at University of California, Irvine, 2003

[Frank, A. B. Dartmouth College (Government/Philosophy); MFA Columbia University (Fiction Writing); Ph.D. University of California, Berkeley (Rhetoric/Film Studies), “The Prison Slave as Hegemony's (Silent) Scandal”, Social Justice, Vol. 30 Issue 2, p18-27] blh

There is something organic … underwritten by a supplemental antiblackness.